Belief, Belonging And Practice: Burge’s New Book Maps Religion In Modern America
(REVIEW) People have a lot of opinions about religion — whether they're religious or not — because religion affects everyone’s life in one way or another. Unfortunately, many of these opinions are based more on folk wisdom than solid data.
For example, some believe the rise of the “nones” (those who don’t identify with a particular religious group) means people are becoming more secular — it’s more complicated than that. Others assume conservative Christians are more politically obsessed than liberal Christians or atheists, when, in fact, they’re less so.
Ryan Burge has become one of the leading sociologists analyzing religious trends and demographics in the U.S. in recent years. He wrote the definitive book on the rise of the nones, runs the widely cited Substack Graphs About Religion (which is republished at Religion Unplugged) and is regularly interviewed by major outlets like The New York Times when religion is in the news.
I was excited when I was made aware that Burge had a new book out. For anyone interested in the intersection between faith and impact on American culture, Burge’s “The American Religious Landscape” does not disappoint. In fact, one of the most helpful contributions Burge makes is clarifying the sociological categories used to describe religion: belief, belonging and practice:
— Belief refers to what someone believes about God (example “Jesus is God”).
— Belonging refers to whether someone identifies with a religious tradition (“I am a Christian”).
— Practice refers to religious behavior (attending church and/or reading the Bible).
This framework helps explain some of the seemingly contradictory data in American religious life. For example, while religious affiliation and attendance are declining, belief in concepts like the afterlife is rising. In other words, belonging and practice are down, but belief persists — depending on the belief.
Burge also highlights a paradox related to education. The more educated someone is, the less likely they are to identify with a religion. If they do, they’re more likely to be deeply engaged in religious practices. Meanwhile, people with lower levels of education are more likely to identify with a religion, but less likely to practice it.
This reveals the complexity of religious identity and the limitations of sociology in fully capturing it. Take Judaism, for example. It's deeply intertwined with ethnicity and culture, so someone may identify as Jewish without holding religious beliefs or engaging in any faith practices. Similarly, many Catholics identify with their faith, even if they don’t accept its distinctive beliefs or attend church regularly. Overall, for most Western religions, attendance is a strong indicator of religious engagement. But for Hindus, public worship isn’t as central, making that measure less useful.
Burge’s book also provides historical context for America’s unique religious makeup. One clear example is the standard sociological division of Protestantism into three branches: mainline, evangelical and Black Protestant. The distinct category of Black Protestant churches arises from America's racial history. These churches tend to be more socially conservative than mainline ones, but more progressive than evangelicals. Similarly, much of the growth in non-Christian religions — such as Islam, Hinduism and Buddhism — has been driven by largely immigration, not conversion.
A question many people ask about religion is, “Is it shrinking or growing?” Not long ago, some predicted Christianity in America would vanish within a few generations. Today, others foresee a religious revival. Burge offers a more measured view. Most religious groups continue to struggle with retaining younger generations, especially families. That said, the rate of decline has slowed enough that Christianity will likely remain a dominant force in the U.S. for the foreseeable future. At the same time, America will continue to grow more religiously diverse, driven by immigration and by Islam’s relative success at retaining young people.
To his credit, Burge is careful not to predict too much in this book. Instead, he acknowledges the limits of sociology. After all, revivals often begin with unpredictable cultural movements or charismatic leaders. History is full of such surprises.
As someone who closely follows religious trends, much of the material wasn’t new to me. But Burge's deep dive into the data was illuminating. I’ve written before about the growing divide between belief without practice or belonging (often labeled “spirituality”) and belief with practice and belonging (what we typically call “religion”).
This division is increasingly central to the broader culture war. Conversely, the insight that religious pluralism is largely driven by immigration was eye-opening, especially in light of the religion-coded rhetoric around immigration and Christian nationalism.
That said, the book is extremely data-heavy. At times, Burge focuses so much on presenting raw data that readers may struggle to grasp its broader significance. He doesn’t always guide the reader through the implications, which may leave some feeling lost. However, I appreciate his restraint. He avoids over-interpreting the numbers, leaving room for others (like myself) to connect the dots.
For example, I’m more optimistic than Burge about the possibility of a Christian revival. I base this on other datasets not covered in this book. For instance, Generation Z has flipped Christianity into a majority-male religion, which could reverse the long-standing “male flight” from churches that began during the Industrial Revolution.
Male-majority religious environments tend to grow, and religiously engaged fathers are a strong predictor of whether children continue in the faith — likely one reason Islam retains so many young adherents. Additionally, as the educated elite increasingly speak positively about religion, cultural attitudes may shift accordingly.
Still, Burge’s caution is not a flaw. His role is to present the data, not to speculate. Right now, the data doesn’t confirm a revival — it only suggests the potential for one. By grounding the conversation in evidence, Burge offers a much-needed reset from wishful or alarmist thinking.
It’s been said, “You may not care about politics, but politics cares about you.” The same is true of religion. If you want to better understand your neighbors — and the cultural and political forces shaping America — “The American Religious Landscape” is the primer you’ve been looking for.
Joseph Holmes is an award-nominated filmmaker and culture critic living in New York. He is co-host of the podcast “The Overthinkers” and its companion website theoverthinkersjournal.world, where he discusses art, culture and faith with his fellow overthinkers. His other work and contact info can be found at josephholmesstudios.com.