Were 750 Christians Really Massacred? The Truth About Ethiopia’s Recent Crisis
An Ethiopian Orthodox priest carries the tabot, a replica of the biblical Ten Commandments. Creative Commons photo.
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(OPINION) Over the last three months, I have been reading and listening to, with utter incredulity, numerous media reports on the conflict between the Ethiopian federal defense forces and forces loyal to the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). I am not an advocate for Abiy Ahmed’s government, but I care deeply about the truth, because I believe that truth is the foundation of families, nations and the world. In this article, I would like to attempt to communicate to my readers what I believe is the “truth, the whole truth, nothing but the truth” about the recent crisis in northern Ethiopia. A few examples of assertions in recent media reports are in order.
Recent Media Reports
On Jan. 23, 2021, The Economist headlined its report “The Ethiopian government appears to be wielding hunger as a weapon.” Reuters reported about human rights abuses including rape. In The Week, Matthew Walther writes that on Nov. 4, 2020, when the war between TPLF forces and Ethiopian defense forces started, Abiy Ahmed, last year’s Nobel Peace Prize winner, “suspended power, internet, and phone service throughout the region.” Millions of people are displaced and starving. Foreign aid is effectively blocked.
Walther also reports that 750 Christians were massacred at the Cathedral of Our Lady Mary of Zion in Axum (a UN World Heritage site) by forces that sought to capture the Ark, although he quickly admits that the report “remains unverified.” But his verdict is clear: the Ethiopian government is guilty and President Biden must consider a raft of measures including sanctions against Ethiopia. And most astonishingly, the Washington Post in its editorial on Jan. 27, 2021 also urged the European Union and the United States to withhold further aid until the Ethiopian government agrees to peace talks. According to the Washington Post, the military campaign launched in November 2020 was “against Tigray” and it has displaced 2 million of Tigray’s 6 million people, which was also reported by Reuters.
In the Guardian/Observer, Simon Tisdall wrote that Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed “should hand back his Nobel peace prize over his actions in the breakaway region that have raised the spectre of famine again.” Tisdall starts his report by paying tribute to the late Seyoum Mesfin, the former Foreign Minister of Ethiopia and one of the top leaders of TPLF, who was killed by the Ethiopian forces reportedly after his refusal to surrender. Tisdall eulogizes Seyoum as “one of the foremost African diplomats of his generation. He was gunned down … by the armed forces of a lesser man – Abiy Ahmed.” Tisdall also refers to “the massacre of 750 people” at the church in Axum.
The 750 Christians “massacred” story was first reported by EEPA, a Belgium-based NGO. But the prime source of the story was Martin Plaut, the former BBC World Service Africa editor and Research Fellow at the Institute of Commonwealth Studies. In the Church Times, Plaut says that the attack began after Ethiopian federal forces and the Amhara militia approached the Cathedral. In the Eritrean Hub, he speaks with certainty about the involvement of the Eritrean troops in the war, how these troops pose threat to “the original Ark of the Covenant,” which is housed at the Church of St. Mary of Zion, and the troops “looting everything they can get their hands on.”
I will come back to some of the key elements in these reports later, but first I would like to draw my readers’ attention to a number of observations. First, none of the reporters discusses any background to the events leading to the conflict between the Ethiopian federal army and forces loyal to the TPLF. Second, none of the reports explains who TPLF were, how they governed Ethiopia for 27 years, and what their intentions have been since Abiy Ahmed became Prime Minister of Ethiopia in 2018. Third, many of the reports seem to focus on Abiy Ahmed’s Nobel Peace Prize as something he does not deserve to keep. So, I would like to describe the history of the TPLF. I will then provide the context for the recent war. Finally, I will discuss some of the key elements in various reports in the Western media.
Who are TPLF?
In 1991, I was living in a town called Hosanna, in the South of Ethiopia. I remember when TPLF fighters seized the town. They were young boys and girls poorly dressed and with slender faces but battle hardened. That was 17 years after a Marxist rebel group made up of Tigrean youth started to fight against the Ethiopian army. TPLF was one of the mushrooming “liberation movements” in the 1960s and 70s. It was an ethno-nationalist movement that focused on kinship, and shared memory, narrative, language and culture of its own people group.
Like other liberation movements, TPLF referred to the imperialistic, expansionist and oppressive ideology of the former rulers. So, initially, TPLF sought to establish a separate “free” state of Tigray. But they later came to believe that independent Tigray would not be the best option for the future wellbeing and prosperity of the people of Tigray. So, they brought together other rebel forces from other ethnic groups and established a political party called Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF).
After taking over the country in 1991, EPRDF organized itself as a coalition of four political parties but TPLF remained the dominant political force, as it was the ideological parent of the coalition. EPRDF disbanded the Ethiopian national army and other security apparatuses and established a new national army, federal police force and intelligence service, all of which were dominated by TPLF members.
The political and security dominance enabled TPLF to become economically dominant. TPLF was a wealthy party. During the famine in the 1980s, it had duped Western governments and charities and channeled aid money into the rebel fight. The amount of these funds, according to a BBC report by Martin Plaut, was an estimated $95 million. So it set up corporations and padded resources it had built over the years. TPLF’s political dominance enabled TPLF-related corporations to thrive, while existing state-owned corporations and private businesses weakened.
Political Crisis and Power Transfer
In order to sustain its dominance, the TPLF-led government politically used individuals and communities by applying the Machiavellian principles of “the end justifies the means” and divide-and-rule. Bitter rivalry among members of the party and between ethnic groups was the whole mark of the political process. Even worse, politicians engaged in mutual destructions for personal and political gains. The masters of TPLF ruthlessly exploited all this.
There was development but without justice and fairness in politics and economics. Those who sought justice and fairness were criminalized as anti-peace and development forces. Dissent was suppressed brutally. The entire governance was characterized by endemic corruption, maladministration, land-grabbing in the name of investment, curtailed freedom of expression, tightly controlled media, lack of free and fair elections, and absence of a level-playing field in politics and business, to mention only a few examples. All this led to civil unrests and internal political crisis.
Mounting political pressure forced the then Prime Minister Haile-Mariam Desalegn to launch the so-called “deep political reform agenda” within EPRDF. He also sought to build a national consensus that would lead the country towards national healing. But forces within TPLF prevented him from succeeding. This deepened the political crisis, which was further exacerbated by a tactical alliance formed by the Oromo and Amhara groups within the party against TPLF. The country was on the verge of civil war. Haile-Mariam then adopted a political strategy, whereby he resolved to work with individuals he believed would bring about real reform in the country. One of those individuals was the current Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. In February 2018, Hailemariam resigned his position as Prime Minister and played a decisive role in having Abiy elected as his successor. TPLF leaders had bitterly opposed Abiy’s election and tried to install someone else who would be obedient to them. That they failed to achieve this caused huge resentment within TPLF, but the smooth power transfer saved the country.
Staggering Changes
After the power transfer in April 2018, hope swept through the nation. There were good reasons for the people to be hopeful. Love, forgiveness, peace and unity became central in political discourse. Sweeping and staggering reforms were initiated. Political prisoners released. Death sentences passed on politically motivated grounds reversed, state of emergency lifted and freedom of the press was established. Banned and blocked media outlets were allowed to operate freely again. Religious factions within the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahido Church (EOTC) and Islam reconciled. The political landscape widened with opposition parties no longer regarded as enemies or anti-peace forces. Judicial and security institutions were declared to be independent from political influence. Armed groups based in neighboring countries ceased hostilities and moved back into Ethiopia peacefully. Reforms were introduced in the economic sector. A peace agreement with Eritrea was signed, following which borders between the two nations were opened, and Ethiopian Airlines resumed its flights to Asmara after 20 long years.
All these changes and efforts to reform the military and security services deepened TPLF’s anger and resentment, but the majority of Ethiopians welcomed the reforms. The straw that probably broke the camel’s back was the reform Abiy introduced within the ruling party. TPLF sought to maintain the status quo, but Abiy succeeded in persuading the majority within the party to accept the replacement of the ideology of revolutionary democracy, which was rooted in Marxism and to which TPLF was absolutely committed, with a less ethnocentric, more inclusive and liberal kind of political program.
Although Abiy continued to claim to be committed to a federalist system, TPLF accused him of intending to bring about a unitarian system of governance. TPLF then left the reformed party altogether. Many, who had served the federal government in various positions, retreated to the capital of Tigray. The most notable examples were the former foreign minister, head of intelligence and army chief of staff.
Relationship Breakdown
Following all the above mentioned sequence of events, the relationship between the Tigray regional government and the federal government broke down. Several attempts made by religious leaders and traditional elders to bring reconciliation between TPLF and the federal government failed, because the TPLF leadership rejected all mediation efforts. In the meantime, several assassination attempts had been made against Abiy Ahmed. TPLF was alleged to be behind them. Ethnically and religiously motivated killings and displacements were taking place in several regions. A famous Oromo musician called Hachalu Hundessa was murdered in July 2020, which led to many deaths and destruction of properties in several towns in the Oromia region and Addis Ababa. TPLF elements, in partnership with ethno-nationalist movements such as the military wing of the Oromo Liberation Front and anti-government militias in Benshangul-Gumuz region, were alleged to be behind almost all of them. The intended goal was creating instability within the country, causing discontent among the populace, and then eventually bringing down the federal government.
In the meantime, the federal government could not exercise any of its powers in the Tigray region. For example, the federal police could not arrest former officials accused of serious crimes but hiding in Tigray. Even more shockingly, when the federal government sent a new general to serve as head of the Northern Command of the federal forces, TPLF declared him persona non gratia and sent him back to Addis Ababa. At the time, TPLF was strengthening its regional “military” force estimated to be over 300,000 strong, although constitutionally it was only allowed to develop a regional police force. Using its media outlets, TPLF also launched huge propaganda campaign against the federal government and often claimed that the federal government was going to attack them.
Further, TPLF leadership engaged with foreign governments, the African Union, diplomatic communities, and international media to explain its position in relation to the federal government. TPLF then rejected the postponement in 2020 of the national elections due to the COVID-19 pandemic and held its own regional election in September 2020. No attempt was made by the federal government to stop the election, lest that would lead to unnecessary conflict. However, the Federal Parliament and House of Federation declared the election unconstitutional and illegal. In October 2020, TPLF in turn declared Abiy’s government illegal and unconstitutional and ordered its members to leave their parliamentary seats and different ministerial positions at the federal level.
Attack on the Northern Command of the Federal Forces
Then, on Nov. 4, 2020 at around 11 p.m. local time, Tigray regional forces, along with some federal army members of Tigrean origin and loyal to TPLF, launched a coordinated attack on the unsuspecting Northern Command of the Ethiopian Federal Defence Forces stationed in several military bases in Tigray. They then took some of the Command’s military equipment, detained thousands of its members, and killed hundreds in horrific circumstances. Tigray officials on BBC and their own media outlets admitted that their forces carried out this pre-emptive attack. One of them even described it as a “thunder-like action” intended to demobilize the Northern Command and use its weapons to cripple the federal government and ultimately overthrow it.
The Ethiopian government saw all this as a treasonous act and carried out what it called “a law enforcement operation,” which in actual fact was an all-out war. TPLF was defeated and many of those who planned and executed the attack against the federal forces for their political and economic goals have been either killed or captured. The leader of TPLF, along with some of TPLF leaders and fighters, retreated to the mountainous areas. Recently, he called from his hideout on the people of Tigray to continue to fight. Tens of thousands have already lost their lives and hundreds of thousands of people in Tigray are in desperate need of help. The nation once again is scarred and divided, needing urgent and deep national healing.
Truthfulness of Media Reports
I hope the above discussion, albeit briefly and incompletely, provides the context and the events in the run up to the current crisis. In the light of all this, I now pose the question as to how truthful and balanced the international media reports are. Any assessment of the current crisis, I would argue, must start with the attack on the Northern Command of the Ethiopian federal army on Nov. 4, 2020. It is absolutely irrefutable that the pre-emptive attack carried out by TPLF against the unsuspecting federal army was unconstitutional, morally abhorrent and politically deplorable. No legitimate government in the world would sit by and watch such ostensibly treasonous act.
And yet, the international media barely refer to this. They instead focus on the Nobel Peace Prize Abiy Ahmed was given a year or so ago and, in so doing, appear to suggest that since he was a Nobel Laureate he should not have fulfilled his constitutional obligations in order to reverse the looming disaster, which potentially threatened the integrity of the nation and the stability of the Horn of Africa. Neither Boris Johnson nor Joe Biden would sit back and watch while Scottish or Texan forces attacking the British or U.S. army with the intention of overthrowing the central government. Even if they were Nobel Laureates, they would take the survival and security of their nations as paramount and enforce the constitutional order. Abiy Ahmed could not have done anything differently.
Second, Matthew Walther’s claim in The Week that Abiy Ahmed “suspended power, internet, and phone service throughout the region” is biased. It is true that communication lines in Tigray were completely cut off following the conflict on Nov. 4. But this report does not take into account the explanation provided by the CEO of Ethio-Telecom, Frehiwot Tamiru, on Dec. 10, 2020. Supporting with footage evidence, she explained that the CCTV was functional only until Nov. 4 and on the same day armed individuals pushed themselves into the compound, forced out Ethio-Telecom personnel, and turned off the power distribution sources. She explained that the findings came after a physical examination of the core site in Mekelle, following when the federal army took control of Mekelle. If the footage provided by the CEO is credible, then Walther’s assertion that the government suspended the communication lines in Tigray is wrong. Walther does not make any reference to the government’s repeated assertion that TPLF cut off the power infrastructure either. Even if he treats the Ethio-Telecom’s and government explanations with skepticism, he must provide a good reason why his sources should be regarded as more credible.
Third, as I mentioned above, the report of the “massacre of 750 Christians” originated with Martin Plaut on Jan. 9, 2021. According to his report, people hiding in the church were brought out and shot in the square. The attackers are alternated between the Ethiopian army, Amhara militia and Eritrean army. Not only did this story drive the social media into an absolute frenzy but also traditional media such as The Guardian/Observer carried this “massacre” story as fact. No evidence has been presented so far, however.
In fact, Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project (ACLED) – which claims to collect “real-time data on the locations, dates, actors, fatalities, and types of all reported political violence and protest events” across the world – reported in its Twitter account: “There is no credible evidence that an attack in Axum has led to 750 deaths… This conflict, like all conflicts, is awful. Pushing false information about events does not help, and is a hindrance to understanding who can be helped and what can be done”.
Martin Plaut has been accused recently of manufacturing several stories of killings, torture, rapes, abductions, looting or destruction of centuries-old manuscripts and artifacts across Tigray. These stories have created a social media buzz. Plaut’s support for TPLF is well known. So is his hostility towards the current Ethiopian and Eritrean governments. To be sure, there could have been civilian deaths during the “law enforcement operation” by the Ethiopian government forces in and around Axum. There have also been reports about the presence in Tigray of Eritrean forces. Any stories of alleged atrocities such as rape and civilian killings must be investigated and responsible individuals must be brought to account.
However, given Martin Plaut's openly biased views on the current Ethiopian crisis and, more pertinently, given the ACLED report and the absence of any verified account that contests it, the "massacre" story of the 750 Christians in Axum and many other stories that originate with Plaut must be treated with extreme skepticism. While Plaut promoted this "massacre" story, he cast doubt on the widely reported Mai-Kadra massacre of hundreds of people by a TPLF group (Did Amnesty International wrongly blame the Tigrayans for the Mai-Kadra massacre?), which was examined and verified by Amnesty International and later on by the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission. As someone who has worked for BBC, which claims to “champion the truth” and sees itself as the “most trusted brand in news,” Plaut's claims must be based on true, impartial and verified accounts rather than hearsay.
Fourth, there have been plenty of random number-based stories possibly meant to inflate the crisis and put pressure on the Ethiopian government. Most of the major news outlets, including Reuters, reported that more than a million people were displaced in Tigray. The figures were based on estimates without any evidence. When the UN finally kept the tally, the figure came to around 63,000. In early January 2021, the numbers were pushed even further to more than 2 million internally displaced people in Tigray. Reuters adamantly chose to carry on with this number despite being noted that the official numbers stand at around 110,000. As mentioned above, the 2 million figure was also carried by the recent Washington Post editorial, which did not provide any evidence and failed to distinguish between TPLF and the people of Tigray.
Fifth, how truthful is The Economist’s “hunger as a weapon” report? In response to this report, the government of Ethiopia has claimed that it has mobilized and delivered more than 91,000 metric tons of food, non-food items and medical supplies. To be sure, the Foreign Minister had also admitted earlier that 80% of humanitarian corridors are open, which suggests that 20% of the areas in Tigray do not have access to humanitarian assistance. The government also complained that TPLF’s vandalism against public and private infrastructure including telecom, roads, banks and the Axum airport hampered the aid effort. There is no way of knowing whether all the government claims and its figure of only 20% of humanitarian corridors being inaccessible are actually true. Equally, there are no grounds to believe the report by The Economist that the government may be using hunger as a weapon against the peace-loving people of Tigray. This, in my view, is one of the most serious allegations made by any media. But The Economist has not provided any compelling evidence. In the absence of this, even those who normally treat any government communication with skepticism would be inclined to agree with the assertion of the Ethiopian government that such an allegation emanates from a biased view that all African governments are either evil or incompetent.
Finally, Ethiopia as a nation is going through an incredibly difficult and dangerous situation. The talks between Egypt, Sudan and Ethiopia over the Great Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) have stalled. Sudan has invaded Ethiopian territory in border areas while the Ethiopian federal army were busy fighting with the TPLF forces. Internal political tensions continue. Covid has put the country a few steps backward. In the midst of all this, Ethiopia is preparing to hold its most anticipated democratic elections in its history in June 2021. What Ethiopia needs at a time like this from all concerned partners and media is to focus on what is good for 110 million Ethiopians and the region as a whole rather than on an individual who happens to be leading the country. The majority of Ethiopians do not appreciate partners, who are quick to withhold aid on spurious grounds and try to bully them. Nor do they appreciate any media, who are not committed to truth, unwilling to accept the constitutional obligations of the government to enforce the rule of law, and urge Western nations to consider sanctions against Ethiopia on the basis of unverified reports.
Editor’s note: An earlier version of this article included a tweet attributed to Martin Plaut that was in fact from a parody account. The article has been updated to omit that reference.
Desta Heliso studied at King's College London and London School of Theology and served as lecturer and director of the Ethiopian Graduate School of Theology (EGST). He currently resides in London but continues to coordinate the Centre for Ancient Christianity and Ethiopian Studies at EGST in Addis Ababa. He is also a fellow of the Center for Early African Christianity (New Haven) and a visiting lecturer at the London School of Theology (London).