In the violence-afflicted state of Manipur in India’s northeast, the Assam Rifles, a key central force, finds itself under intense scrutiny.

It’s at the center of a vocal campaign that accuses it of taking sides in the ethnic conflict between the majority Meitei community and the Kuki-Zo tribal groups. However, this claim might just be a smokescreen to divert attention from what could be the real issue:

The Assam Rifle’s clampdown on rampant smuggling activities in the region, according to reliable sources in the security establishment Newsreel Asia has spoken with.

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With roughly 6,000 personnel deployed in Manipur’s hinterland, which has been scene of ethnic violence  for over a year, and another 6,000 along the India-Myanmar border, the Assam Rifles is a small part of the much larger Central Armed Police Forces (CAPF) presence in the state.

Despite the significant presence of about 25,000 personnel from other major security forces in the CAPF, like the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) and the Border Security Force (BSF) in Manipur, it is the Assam Rifles that has become a focal point of criticism. This force draws particular scrutiny from Meitei extremist groups, insurgents, local media and reportedly even some elements within the civil administration and various Meitei civil society groups.

The allegations against the Assam Rifles focus on purported biases in favour of the Kuki-Zo tribes, described derogatorily as “narco-terrorists” by their detractors, as well as its role in poppy cultivation. These accusations overlook the force’s evacuation operations early in the conflict, including rescuing 10,000 Meiteis from Manipur’s Churachandpur district despite Kuki-Zo resistance.

Despite being perceived as biased in managing the violence, Manipur’s Chief Minister, Biren Singh, recently acknowledged that poppy cultivation had significantly decreased in the state following coordinated operations by the Assam Rifles, the state’s Narcotics Control Bureau and the Army. Further, since the onset of the violence in May 2023, the force has recovered more than 800 weapons in the Kuki-Zo hill areas and nearly 450 in the Meitei-dominant valley areas, while also destroying 51 bunkers in the valley and 77 in the hills.

The Assam Rifles, although overseen by the Union Ministry of Home Affairs, operates much like the Army for counter-insurgency and border security operations primarily in northeast India. This is largely because it is led by senior Army officers who are on deputation.

While the Indian Army faces accusations of human rights violations in Kashmir, where it represents the Indian state against sections of the local population and groups, the situation in Manipur presents a different dynamic. Here, the Army and the Assam Rifles are operating amid the ethnic tensions between two groups. Their presence and involvement are crucial, given the state administration's apparently partisan approach.

The campaign against the Assam Rifles commenced roughly a month following the outbreak of ethnic violence. However, a closer look at the Assam Rifle’s activities during this period reveals a pattern that suggests other motives at play, particularly related to its anti-smuggling efforts.

Crackdown on smuggling

From May 2023 to May 2024, the Assam Rifles intercepted contraband valued at about 10 billion rupees. Further, due to the force’s intensive crackdown, an equal amount of contraband is now stranded across the border in Myanmar.

The term “contraband” refers to goods that are illegal to possess or transport. These can include drugs, weapons, stolen goods, counterfeit items and wildlife products, among others. But in Manipur, about 95% of these seized goods comprised areca nuts, sourced from neighbouring Myanmar and other Southeast Asian countries and smuggled through Manipur. The areca nut is transported in trucks, driven by locals and loaded to twice its capacity.

Areca nut, also known as supari and mostly used for paan and gutka, is not inherently contraband in India; it is legally grown and consumed within the country. However, its import is regulated under Indian customs and agricultural laws to prevent the entry of low-quality or disease-infested nuts that could affect local crops and market prices. Areca nut is smuggled into India to avoid import duties or because they do not meet the required standards for legal import. In such cases, areca nut is considered contraband if it is imported illegally.

Until recently, smugglers were primarily using Manipur’s southeastern Moreh border region to import areca nuts into India. While eastern Manipur shares its border with Myanmar, the Indian state of Assam is situated to Manipur’s west. Smugglers transport areca nuts from eastern Manipur to Assam, taking advantage of the fact that it is a locally grown crop in Assam. Apparently, no checks are in place to balance local production in Assam with the quantity of areca nuts transported out of that state. Consequently, all areca nuts shipped out of Assam are apparently assumed to be legal.

However, an increased deployment of Assam Rifles personnel in the Moreh region due to the ongoing violence has significantly hindered their ability to use this route for smuggling contraband. Further, the territory just across the Indian border is now under the control of Myanmarese militias opposing the junta, which is infamous for its oppressive tactics against its own people.

As a result, the smugglers began routing areca nut through Ukhrul district in Manipur’s northeast, which also shares border with Myanmar. However, the Assam Rifles also managed to intercept smugglers’ trucks in Ukhrul.

This crackdown has significant economic implications, disrupting a lucrative smuggling route that not only evades taxation but also possibly finances various illegal activities, including armed insurgency seeking a separate sovereign Manipur and buying of arms and ammunition by extremist groups for the ongoing ethnic violence.

The pattern of smuggling interceptions shows a marked increase in the months leading up to the peak of the ethnic conflict.

Role of smuggling in ethnic violence

In March 2023, the Assam Rifles intercepted areca nuts valued at least 930 million rupees, followed by at least 240 million rupees in April. However, during the violent outbreaks in May 2023, only 70 million rupees worth of areca nuts were seized, with figures dropping further to 10 million in June and 40 million in July. The numbers surged again in December 2023, reaching 500 million rupees, followed by 900 million rupees in January 2024, 2.4 billion rupees in February, and nearly 2 billion in March. The decline thereafter can be attributed to a further intensified crackdown and possibly the rainy season, which typically disrupts smuggling activities in the region.

Smuggled goods seized by the Assam Rifles are typically handed over to the concerned District Forest Officer (DFO) and subsequently to the local police. However, the final outcomes of these cases, including details about the individuals involved, are seldom disclosed to the public.

This lack of transparency fuels ongoing rumours about the involvement of local political figures and law enforcement officials in the smuggling operations. One wonders why these rumours haven’t been dispelled by the police and the state civil administration through the identification and disclosure of individuals involved in smuggling.

Moreover, the economic model of smuggling in Manipur extends beyond merely dodging state levies and its impact on local farmers; it also involves the smugglers paying “taxes” to armed groups that control various territories used for transporting smuggled goods.

These armed groups, possessing sophisticated weapons and expensive ammunition in much higher quantities than those looted from state armouries, are leading the ongoing ethnic violence. They perhaps depend on this income to sustain their operations. Security forces report that these groups use ammunition liberally, suggesting an ample supply.

Human cost of violence

It’s not just about the state’s revenue; the influx of money into Manipur is likely contributing to the unrest that has persisted for 15 months. After all, the actual scale of smuggling could far exceed the 10 billion rupees worth of areca nuts confiscated on the Indian side of the border and an equal amount still lying across the border in Myanmar.

The unrest in Manipur escalated following an April 2023 directive from the Manipur High Court, which hinted at granting tribal status to the majority Meitei community. This status would enable them to purchase land in the hills, traditionally inhabited by the Kuki-Zo tribes, sparking fears among the Kuki-Zo of losing their ancestral lands.

The region’s valuable natural resources, including oil, have drawn government and corporate interest, further inflaming the situation by altering land laws and displacing tribal families.

The violence has led to considerable displacement and loss of life. Since May 3, 2023, around 67,000 people have been displaced, and 191 Kuki-Zo fatalities have been reported. Although Meiteis have also suffered tremendously, Meitei groups have not disclosed the number of fatalities and casualties.

There is now almost complete ethnic segregation, with Kuki-Zo families moving out of the Imphal area and Meiteis leaving Kuki-dominated regions.

While claims of ethnic bias provide a convenient rallying cry, the evidence strongly indicates that the real grievance against the Assam Rifles stems from its substantial disruptions to a deeply entrenched smuggling economy. This economy not only supports local criminal elements but also likely finances the ongoing armed insurgency and ethnic violence. Consequently, the Assam Rifles’ success in curbing smuggling is directly linked to the intensified campaign against its presence in Manipur. 

This article has been co-published in cooperation with Newsreel Asia.

Vishal Arora is an independent journalist based in New Delhi, India, who covers Asia and beyond. He serves as editor of @Newsreel_Asia and is a board member of The Media Project. He’s written for many outlets including The Wall Street Journal, The Diplomat and The Caravan.

Harshita Rathore is a reporter based in India. She works for Newsreel Asia.