Fethullah Gulen was an Islamic cleric who had built a powerful global movement — but eventually found himself exiled in the U.S. and caught up in accusations that he had orchestrated a military coup against Turkish leader Tayyip Erdogan.

Since 1999, Gulen had lived in a self-imposed exile in a gated compound in Pennsylvania’s Pocono Mountains. He denied any involvement in the 2016 coup.

Following a period of poor health, Gulen died on Oct. 20 at age 83. Following his funeral in New Jersey, an online memorial will be held for him on Thursday sponsored by the Peace Islands Institute. It is one of many memorials highlighting Gulen’s life and legacy.   

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“This special gathering will offer a space to reflect on the impact of Gulen’s teachings, celebrate his message of love, tolerance, and hope and share stories and remarks that highlight the profound influence he had on our community,” the organization said. “Together, we will honor his memory with prayers, reflections, and expressions of gratitude for his enduring spiritual legacy.”

Professor Ali Gomaa, former Grand Mufti of Egypt, said on Facebook that Gulen “has passed away to the mercy of Allah.”

Calling the cleric “a man of dialogue and tolerance,” Gomaa said Gulen was known for promoting tolerance and co-existence with others.

What now of Gulen’s faith-inspired civil society? Known as “Hizmet” (which means “service” in Turkish), Gulen’s movement has sought to spread a moderate brand of Islam starting in 1959 that promotes Western-style education, free markets and interfaith dialogue with Christians and Jews.

A complicated political alliance

Part of a sect of Sunni Islam (that included a philosophy that blended Sufism), Gulen fought against the extremism of some Middle Eastern clerics. The movement — formerly a close ally of the powerful Turkish Justice and Development Party — gained some power in the early 2000s with its mix of Islam and democracy.   

Once the country’s establishment had been defeated, disagreements emerged between the AKP and the Gulen movement.

A major breaking point occurred in 2013 when several politicians and family members of the ruling AKP were investigated by the Gulen-friendly judiciary. Erdogan claimed the movement had initiated the investigations, souring the relationship.   

“The AKP is a political party with clear Islamic roots. It pragmatically moved to the center-right over a decade, mainly to escape the fate of its defunct predecessors,” Omer Taspınar wrote in his book, “The Islamists Are Coming: Who They Really Are.” “The party’s success, however, has had little to do with ideological factors. Turkish voters have been primarily concerned with bread-and-butter issues.”

Taspinar, in his analysis of modern Turkish politics, added: “Yet even as the AKP adopted a more liberal order, Kemalist segments of Turkish society grew increasingly suspicious that it had a hidden agenda. They feared that the AKP was exploiting the E.U. membership process to diminish the military’s political role and, eventually, the Kemalist legacy. They balked, for instance, at AKP measures to increase the ratio of civilians to military officers on the National Security Council, elect a civilian to head the National Security Council, remove military representatives from the boards of the Council of Higher Education and the Radio and Television High Council, and grant broadcasting and cultural rights to Kurds.”

2016 Turkish coup

Turkey’s Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan, speaking of Gulen’s death, described the cleric as the leader of a “dark organization” and said the country’s fight against the group would continue.

“Our nation’s determination in the fight against terrorism will continue, and this news of his death will never lead us to complacency,” he said.

Following the 2016 coup, Erdogan had described Gulen’s organization “like a cancer” and vowed to root out the group. The U.S. government rejected Turkey’s demands to extradite him.

Despite any lack of compelling evidence, Erdogan pointed to Gulen as the mastermind behind the plot. In a massive crackdown that followed, Turkish authorities arrested 77,000 people, and 150,000 teachers, judges and soldiers were suspended for their association with the group.  

“The struggle between Gulen’s ideals of peaceful coexistence and Erdogan’s more authoritarian approaches encapsulates the tug-of-war within Turkish politics,” The Pinnacle Gazette reported. “This enduring conflict mirrors the nation's struggle to bridge its secular past with its increasingly influential Islamic political currents. The path forward remains complex as Turkey continues to navigate these turbulent waters, with Gulen's passing marking yet another chapter of upheaval and transition.”

Even after Gulen’s death, Erdogan, who has served as Turkey’s prime minister since 2014, kept the rhetoric up against the Muslim scholar, even likening him to a “demon in human form.”

A lasting legacy?

Gulen’s supporters, however, continued to hail him.

“We all feel like we’ve lost a father,” said Usame Tunagar, who served as a longtime associate of Gulen. “We all feel like as if we are orphaned. There is right now a huge void in our lives.”

Tunagar said Gulen will live on through his books – he wrote more than 70 of them – and through the thousands of schools and other institutions around the world started by his followers.

“What is alive is his legacy,” he added.

That legacy includes an international network of charitable organizations and educational centers in more than 100 countries, including 150 charter schools throughout the United States. 

Gulen’s death, The Pinnacle Gazette noted, “not only reflects the culmination of his life’s work but also signals deep-rooted social and political currents within Turkey. Observers anticipate potential rifts within the Hizmet movement as various factions vie to assert control moving forward. His followers now face the challenge of continuing his vision yet grappling with the broader consequences of Erdogan’s extensive crackdowns.”   

Clemente Lisi is the executive editor of Religion Unplugged. He previously served as deputy head of news at the New York Daily News and a longtime reporter at The New York Post. Follow him on X @ClementeLisi.